SINCE early this month, Balochistan has been reeling from a series of dastardly terror attacks. The nexus of ideologically different banned terrorist groups — the religiously motivated extremists of the TTP and BLA terrorists — poses a grave challenge. The current spate of violence started on July 5, when terrorists managed to reach the fertile Shaban area next to Hanna-Urak in the suburbs of Quetta cantonment, and then launched another attack the next day on the Mangi Dam Ziarat police post at the pumping station. Despite a valiant fight put up by a DSP and 40 policemen, the terrorists, who had attacked in a large numbers, kidnapped and killed 27 ammunition-deficient law-enforcement personnel. Timely reinforcements by the police and FC could have prevented this tragedy.
Meanwhile, an FC convoy was attacked near Khad Kucha, district Mastung, resulting in casualties. In addition, a military contingent in unmarked vehicles was attacked at Bela-Vinder by the BLA’s Majeed Brigade, resulting in casualties in double figures. Clashes in the mineral-rich district of Chagai were also reported, while a suicide attack took place in Khuzdar in which a tribal political leader involved in internecine strife lost 17 of his kinsmen to five attackers who rammed their explosive-laden vehicle into the gate of the fortified compound in Wadh. A three-hour gun battle left 30 injured. In the latest high-profile incident on Thursday, a sessions judge and his guard were killed on the road by assailants.
Since July 5, there have been more than 40 police, military, FC and civilian casualties, while a total of 121 terrorists have been eliminated. The operation is to continue “until the last terrorist is neutralised” say the state authorities. The government has agreed to constitute a judicial commission to probe the Urak violence and Mangi Dam tragedy. Hopefully, a judge of the high court will probe what led to the violence, in which there were four casualties among the local land owners in the agriculturally rich Shaban area around Killi Babri. The question is, how did the armed terrorist groups get involved? Similarly, Mangi is a project of national interest. It will supply fresh water to Quetta and its cantonment and reduce water shortage by around 20 per cent when operational. FC is deployed at the main dam and other ancillary sites. How come the pumping station post which was recently taken over from the defunct levies, was not being jointly manned by the FC and police, especially in light of the threat alerts issued? The most significant concern is the large number of TTP terrorists who have become active in the vast terrain joining Quetta’s suburbs to the mountainous region linking the northern parts of Balochistan with KP.
During the 1980s, under martial law, Gen Ziaul Haq focused on reconciliation and good governance. The best police and civil administration officers were posted to focus on the administration of justice and service delivery. On promotion as SP and on top of my batch, I was allocated to Balochistan where for the next four years I served as additional SP Quetta, district SP Sibi in charge of the Kachi and Sibi districts and Dera Bugti and Kohlu agencies, and finally as SSP Quetta. We respected the citizens who reciprocated the sentiment. The military, police and civil administration worked for the welfare and progress of the province. Roads were safe for travel. Next, I had the honour of serving as IG Balochistan in 2007 under Gen Musharraf’s military hybrid rule. The entire province was converted into a police jurisdiction replacing the ragtag levies model of rural policing. The issue of missing persons and enforced disappearances became a festering wound in the Baloch psyche. The killing of Nawab Bugti in a cave near Kohlu sparked intense violence.
The experienced Balochistan police chief needs full government support.
After the 2008 elections, the PPP-led federal and provincial governments were unable to stop the kill-and-dump strategy. Mass graves were discovered. Human rights violations multiplied. The conversion to police jurisdiction was reversed. Following the 2013 polls, the PML-N-led government adopted a carrot-and-stick approach to the violence. The first-ever non-sardar chief minister genuinely worked for political reconciliation and met the BLA and BRA leaders in London and Geneva. His efforts were scuttled in 2015. The PTI-led government in 2018 could not change the tough security stance vis-à-vis Balochistan. Since the controversial 2024 elections , the PML-N-led federal and PPP-led provincial governments have actively supported this hard security-stance, with male and female Baloch activists convicted under draconian laws. The roads are unsafe. Trade and business are in decline. Fear rules and violence is widespread. Miscreants are active in the following districts: Turbat, Kalat, Khuzdar, Nushki, Surab, Gwadar, Mastung, Panjgur, Awaran, Kachi/Bolan, Kharan, Chaghi, Kohlu, and Washuk. That’s a huge swathe of land.
Police have been facing a massive challenge since the recent conversion of the entire province to police jurisdiction. The experienced CT-related, KP battle-hardened police chief of Balochistan needs full support from the federal and provincial governments in terms of human resources, infrastructure and equipment. The Zia-era model of good governance is worth consideration: give him the best officers in the ranks of SP and SSP to serve for a fixed tenure of three years. The prime minister must review his decision to depute about 20 serving military officers as district SPs in the insurgency-infested areas. This militarisation of police will be a fiasco.
Balochistan suffers from many missed opportunities and unfulfilled promises. Addressing the crisis effectively requires a two-pronged strategy: decisively eliminating the terrorist threat while proactively addressing the grievances of the local population. As this paper rightly observed, “The long-term solution to Balochistan’s problem remains the political path.” The need for a serious political strategy cannot be ignored anymore. A viable dialogue and political process involving Baloch sub-nationalists and other key political and security stakeholders must be held. The state must also address the province’s socioeconomic problems fairly and urgently, as an entrenched feeling of alienation is driving the youth towards the terrorists. No matter how many we arrest or kill, their numbers are increasing exponentially. The only solution lies in good governance and political dialogue. Let the healing process begin with a reconciliation commission.
The writer is a former IG of Balochistan Police.
Published in Dawn, July 25th, 2026
