A far-right populist endorsed by US President Donald Trump won the preliminary vote count in Colombia’s presidential elections on Sunday, with promises that a vote for him would mean a definitive crackdown on the country’s decades-long crisis of crime and armed conflict.
Abelardo de la Espriella, a former criminal lawyer who calls himself “the Tiger,” holds US and Italian passports as well as his native Colombian. “He Won, Big!,” Trump posted on Truth Social late Sunday night, alongside an article about Colombia’s results. With 99.91% of the votes counted in Sunday’s razor-tight runoff, the preliminary count showed the 47-year-old with a narrow margin.
On the campaign trail, De la Espriella had stolen the limelight by offering quick fixes to an array of issues including the bitter legacy of the country’s neglected 2016 peace agreement – amid a resurgence of violence that has seen armed groups planting land mines once again, and fifth graders in rural schools receiving regular classes on how to deal with unexploded ordnance.
Endorsed by Trump, he rode a wave that has brought other right-wing populists to power in Latin America, espousing an iron-fist approach to criminal justice. Like El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, de la Espriella wants to open a series of mega-prisons, he is also advocating for a drastic reduction of public spending like Argentina’s chainsaw-wielding President Javier Milei.
His lack of experience proved no deterrent for supporters or his political backers. Trump, Bukele and Milei have thrown their support behind de la Espriella, alongside prominent far-right figures, including Italy’s Prime Ministe r Giorgia Meloni and the family of Brazil’s former President Jair Bolsonaro.
Before entering politics, de la Espriella worked as a lawyer on high-profile cases, including a prostitution scandal involving agents of the US Secret Service during former President Barack Obama’s visit to Cartagena in 2012. He also represented the alleged financier of Venezuela’s ousted President Nicolas Maduro, Alex Saab, who was recently extradited to the US on charges of money laundering.
Years before entering politics, when he was asked about his proximity to controversial clientele as an attorney, de la Espriella responded that “ethics has nothing to do with law.”
How he intends to govern Colombia overall remains vague. His campaign was loud with noise but scant on details, and de la Espriella has yet to publish a government plan. But his choice as vice president –– former Finance Minister Jose Manuel Restrepo –– suggests he will seek the support of some sectors of the conservative establishment.
One source of friction: de la Espriella’s political movement, “Defenders of the Homeland,” holds no seats in either chamber of Colombia’s Congress or Senate. In order to pass laws, the new president will have to broker deals with traditional right-wing parties who opposed current President Gustavo Petro.
His many passports could present another issue. De la Espriella has always expressed pride in his dual citizenship, but naturalized US citizens swear a pledge of allegiance that could be in conflict with the duties of a foreign head of state. He has said that holding a US passport would offer him further protection from harm in Colombia.
But the real, monumental challenge awaiting him is how to end the chronic cycle of violence that has been the backbone of Colombia’s history since independence.
The world’s largest cocaine producer, Colombia has witnessed its peace plans derail ten years after the much-touted 2016 peace accord promised to put an end to the longest civil war in the Western Hemisphere.
Criminal groups have now filled the gap of the now-disbanded Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. They are expanding their ranks, having recruited 5,000 new members last year alone, according to local security think tank Ideas For Peace Foundation.
Injuries and deaths from landmines – a tactic once employed by the FARC and now by newer groups – in the country have risen 20% in the past years, government numbers show .
“After the peace agreement, there were areas where the state had certified they were cleared. Today, we’re counting casualties in those same areas again,” says Crl. (R) Luis Villamarin, a retired anti-guerrilla officer from the Colombian Army. “Ten years’ worth of demining work are being lost in months.”
Outgoing President Gustavo Petro took an inclusive approach to fighting crime. Dubbing it “Total Peace,” it meant engaging in negotiations with insurgents rather than going after them militarily. In an interview with CNN, he claimed this strategy is just beginning to show results, with the country’s fields of coca – a key source of revenue for armed groups – finally shrinking for the first time since 2019.
In contrast, de la Espriella has promised ferocity. The likely next president – whose political message is centered around the image of a tiger, and who refers to his followers as “the pack” – has pledged to end “Total Peace” and launch an all-out offensive against criminal groups in close coordination with the US military, long a request of the Trump White House.
He has also envisioned a “Plan Colombia 2.0” to tackle the violence – a reference to the onetime military cooperation plan between the US and Colombia in the years leading up to the 2016 accord.
In this sense, de la Espriella has sold voters on a swing to the past and a more muscular approach to security and crime – strategies that have fallen short of resolving Colombia’s lingering issues so far.
“We are in a moment when we need a lot of innovation to talk about peace and security,” says Carlos Prieto, a member of the 2016 negotiating team. “We should re-think our strategies very deeply, collect the lessons from the past and a bit of creativity.”
He’s clearly proven capable of running a creative campaign, but ruling the country remains a different matter.
CNN’s Max Feliu contributed reporting.
